Dialogue July-September 2008, Volume 10 No. 1
Beginnings of
S. S.
Toshkhani*
Tracing the
course of evolution of the Kashmiri language from its earliest phase to the time
it is supposed to have acquired a distinct identity of its own as a modern
language is a task in which one has to contend with several constraining
factors, including the tendency among some scholars to let lack of actual study
of its structural framework and linguistic realities, not to speak of political
and religious biases, colour their arbitrary conclusions.
Perhaps this is the reason why the question of its origin and affiliation
is still not regarded as settled even though several new studies offering fresh
perspectives on it have come up in face of certain bizarre theorization.
In fact, the whole issue has been clouded by deliberately unleashed
storms of controversy in which non-academic interests have taken an upper hand.
With outlandish views based on “chance resemblances of sounds” of
some “stray vocables” belonging to totally unrelated word stocks and making
hardly any sense semantically still pouring in to prove that Kashmiri has
descended, for instance, from languages like Hebrew or even those spoken in
Nagaland, there is nothing else one can do than refer to the linguistic and
historical contexts in which the language has actually developed.
This is the approach that we intend to adopt in this rather synoptic
study of the subject presented in what we regard to be relevant perspectives.
At the outset we would like to assert that the Kashmiri language is
intimately related to Indian traditions of literature and culture, art and
thought, despite all attempts that have been made from time to time to de-link
it from these moorings. At least
that was the situation prevailing when it was evolving about a millennium back
from the regional Prakrit and Apabhramsha forms peculiar to
Kashmiri, or Kashur, as its native speakers numbering over 31 lakhs
according to the 1981 census call it, is spoken mainly in the region extending
from Uri to Matrigam in the north, Verinag to the Pir Panchal ranges in the
south, Zojila to Kashtwar in the east and Shopian in the west, covering an area
of about 10,000 sq. miles. Besides
the
There is a clearly perceptible dialectic variation existing within the
Kashmiri speech community in respect of accent and usage which operates along
several lines. The dialect spoken in
the south and southeastern region of the Valley, known as marâzi (marâz
< Skt. madvarâjya) has certain marked differences with kamarâzi,
the dialect spoken in the north and northwestern region known as kamrâz (<
Skt. kramarâjya) while the Kashmiri spoken in
Grierson had made a distinction between the varieties of Kashmiri spoken
by Hindus and Muslims of the valley as well designating them as Hindu Kashmiri
and Muslim Kashmiri respectively on the basis of predominance of words of
Sanskrit or Persian borrowing. Subsequently
scholars rejected this division though accepting the variations between the use
of the language by the two communities in respect of accent and usage.
The dichotomy, however, does exist though not necessarily on the basis of
Sanskritization or Persianization alone, in both pronunciation as well as
vocabulary, with some usages restricted to Muslims alone and some to Hindus of
Kashmir, Kashmiri Hindus having their own expressions for greeting, addressing,
blessing, condoling, praying, abusing and also their own slang words quite
different from those of Kashmiri Muslims. For instance, in the Kashmiri Hindu
variety we have: ‘pońy’ (water), ‘sirî’ (sun),
‘pâp’ (sin), ‘prân’ (soul), ‘nethúr’(marriage),
‘svarg’ (heaven) , ‘namaskâr’
(greeting) , ‘gumú’ (sweat), ‘zOn’ (person),
‘mahrâ’(sir) , ‘sOpun’ (dream), krűd
(anger), ‘shokravâr’ (Friday), ‘neńi’(meat),
‘gandun’ (betrothal), ‘pvany’ (good deed), ‘rűn’
(husband), ‘múthúr’ (urine), ‘päjâmú’
(trousers), ‘darúm’ (religion), ‘sandyâ’
(evening) etc. The corresponding words in the Kashmiri Muslim
variety are: ‘âb’, ‘akhtâb’, ‘gonâh’ ‘rűh’,
‘khândar’, ‘janath’, ‘salâm’, ‘ärak’,
‘naphar’, ‘haz’, ‘khâb’, ‘gosú’,
‘jumâh’, ‘nâtú’, ‘nishäńy’, ‘savâb’,
‘khândâr’ ‘idrâr’, ‘yezâr’, ‘dîn’,
‘khoftan’ etc. There are quite a number of differences in
pronunciation also of which it is not possible to give details here for lack of
space.
Before we proceed to analyze the evidence available with us of the actual
historical development of the language in the shape of its extant literary
corpus belonging to different periods of time, it would be useful to examine the
question of its roots and affinity in some detail.
It needs, however, to be noted that pre-modern Kashmir was for centuries
a part of the “Sanskrit metropolis”, to use the words of Sheldon Pollock,
and the space occupied by it was so significant that it was able to determine
the intellectual and cultural climate in the whole country by contributing in
fields as varied as literary expression, theory of language, philosophy,
aesthetics, grammar, logic, historiography, theology and so on.
The Sanskrit intellectual of Kashmir was as fascinated as by the power
and prestige of the trans-regional Sanskrit with its reach extending from
“Kashmir and Purushapura (Peshawar), in the foothills of the western Himalayas
eastward to Champa (central Vietnam), Prambanam on the plains of coastal Java,
and even beyond in the further islands of today’s Indonesia, from the
Kathmandu Valley in the north to the southernmost reaches of peninsular India
and even periodically Sri Lanka”, to quote Sheldon again, as any of his
counterparts elsewhere in the country. To
participate in Sanskrit literary culture was to participate in a vast world and
so it was no surprise that the geo-cultural space in
This participation in communicative as well as ideational spheres led to
stunning results right from the Sanskrit texts produced and translated to
disseminate Sarvastivada and Mahayana doctrines to the creation of a whole
literary corpus begining with the first ever extant literary drama in the
language ‘Pâdatâdatikam’ by Shamilak to the incisive and
penetrating satire of Kshemendra to the intensely lyrical poetry and a
masterpiece of court narrative of Bilhana to the vast sweep
historical narrative by Kalhana. The
profound and sophisticated philosophic writings on Kashmir Shaivism culminating
in Abinavagupta’s brilliant exegetical works and the systemization of various
schools of Indian aesthetical thought providing brilliant insights into the
nature of the relationship between the aesthetic object and the aesthetic
emotion, the very word sâhitya being the coinage of a Kashmiri aesthete,
Kuntaka, and excellent collections of tales in the form of Somadeva’s Kathâsaritsâgara
are further examples of the stamp of Kashmiri genius on manifestations of
Sanskrit culture.
Though absolute historical documentation of the crystallization of
Kashmiri as the local tongue is not possible, we have the polyglot
Kshemendra’s evidence that it co-existed with Sanskrit for quite some time as
a communicative as well as an expressive medium of the people of the region
before it finally came to its own. He
exhorts the upcoming Sanskrit poets of his time to study bhâshâ kâvya
or poetry written in the regional dialect alongside of Prakrit and Apabhramsha.
The reference to Prakrit and Apabhramsha by Kshemendra does not,
obviously, pertain to the regional but standardized trans-regional forms of
these languages with which had come to be literalized throughout the country
like Sanskrit itself. Soon after him
we find Bilhana too referring with admiration to the fluency achieved by ladies
of his native place in writing poetry in Prakrit and Apabhramsha which they
wielded with as much ease as their janma-bhâshâ or mother tongue
meaning thereby Kashmiri of course. But
an example of spoken Kashmiri we find in Kalhana’s famous Sanskrit chronicle
the Râjataranginî (1148-49) in the form of the sentence “Rangassa
Hçlu dinnâ”, the speaker belonging to the lowest rung of the
society — a Domba singer insisting that “the village Helu should be given to
Ranga”, that is himself. This is a
curious piece of linguistic evidence, but important.
Later on, we see Shitikantha in the 13th century
describing the regional language as used by him in his work ‘Mahânaya Prakâsha’
(Illumination of the System of Highest Meaning) as “sarvagochara dçsha
bhâshâ” or
“the regional dialect understood by all”. Obviously what he meant by it was
the colloquial language in vogue in
We may not be sure when the “historical dynamic of vernacularism”
began in
Phonological aspects of the tendency in Kashmiri to retain most archaic
word forms that can be traced only to the Old Indic speech have been analysed at
some length by Siddheshwar Verma. It
will be interesting to see how Verma provides evidence of
Kashmiri showing contact with old layers of Old Indic vocabulary.
One such word that Verma examines is ‘krâl’, the Kashmiri
word for potter. While all other Modern Indo-Aryan languages except Nepali and
Sinhalese, he points out, have words for it derived from the Sanskrit ‘kumbhakâra’,
Kashmiri alone preserves the phonetic remnants of the Vedic ‘kulâl’,
an older word. Again, the Kashmiri
word ‘tOmul’ (rice), he says, retains the initial‘t’ of
Skt. “tandulam’, while in other Indo-Aryan languages it
changes to ‘ch’, as in Hindi ‘châwal’, Bengali and Oriya
‘châul’, Sindhi ‘châur’, Nepali ‘châmal’ and
so on. Retention of the original ‘ri’
in Kashmiri ‘pritsh’ < Skt. ‘prichha’ (to ask),
and of ‘r’ in ‘prang’ < Skt. ‘paryank’ ( a
bed) are other notable examples he gives.
It is on the basis of such massive evidence that eminent linguistics like
Jules Bloch, Turner, Morgenstierne, Emeneau, Siddeshwar Verma and several other
scholars have pointed to the probability of Kashmiri having a Vedic origin,
arriving at their conclusions after intensive research on actual facts of the
language. Prof. S. K. Toshkhani goes even further to some pre-Vedic developments
preserved by Kashmiri in words like ‘sOst’ and ‘rOst’
which later become ‘sahit’ and ‘rahit’.
Prof. Toshkhani also identifies some linguistic similarities between
Kashmiri and Lithuanian to show that Kashmiri might have started its
evolutionary journey even much earlier than assumed.
George A. Grierson, on the other hand, held views on the vexatious
question of the lineage and affinity of the language which created a situation
not at all congruous with linguistic facts and therefore led to a confusion that
has still not cleared despite his theory having been rejected as obsolete and
untenable by present day scholars. Disregarding
the evidence that establishes its Indo-Aryan character, Grierson chose to
classify Kashmiri as a mixed language having as its basis a language of the
Dardic group of the Pishacha family allied to Shina and occupying a position “
intermediate between the Sanskritic languages of India proper and the Iranian
languages farther to their west”. Considering
Dardic languages to have developed from the Indo-Iranian branch of
Indo-European, he uses the cover term Paishachi to group them under one
category. He shrugs off the
predominance of Indo-Aryan vocabulary in Kashmiri by attributing it to a
powerful influence of Indian culture and literature for over two thousand years.
He insists that some of the commonest words, which it is not possible to have
been borrowed, have their cognate forms in Shina, which he presents a
representative Dardic language.
Grierson’s views are largely confined to the realm of hypothesis, as
Prof. P. N. Pushp has pointed out, and fly in the face of actual facts of the
language. His insistence on identifying Kashmiri with Paishachi and, therefore,
with Iranian makes little linguistic sense and can certainly not be held as
valid. Scholars are absolutely not
sure about the identifying features of Paishachi and certainly not in agreement
about its exact geographical area. Writes
Sheldon Pollock: “Linguists have identified this (Paishachi) as anything from
an eastern Middle-Indic close to Pali to Munda language of inhabitants of
Morphologically too Kashmiri does not share any features attributed to
Paishachi as given by Prakrit grammarians.
Stems ending in ‘a’, for instance, does not have a ‘âto’
or ‘âtu’ ending in the ablative. Nor is the past participle marked
by ‘tűn’ or ‘thűn’<
Sanskrit ‘tvâ’. Instead, it takes the form ‘it’ or ‘itha’:
Skt. ‘kritvâ’ > Ksh. ‘kárith’, Skt. ‘mritvâ’
> Ksh. ‘márith’, Skt. ‘nutvâ’ > ‘namayitvâ’
> Ksh. ‘námith’ and so on.
Coming to Dardic
languages proper, Grierson’s obsession with linking Kashmiri with the
Shina-Khowar group as a special branch of Indo-Iranian and clubbing them
together under the Kafir group can hardly stand linguistic scrutiny. It only
shows to what absurd lengths he goes to banish Kashmiri and the Dardic languages
from Indo-Aryan fold. Responding to
his views, Suniti Kumar Chatterji appears to almost echo him when he says that
“the Kashmiri language “is the result of a very large overlaying of a Dardic
base with Indo-Aryan elements”, though he hastens to add that “the
Indo-Aryan Prakrit and Apabhramsha from Midland and Northern Punjab profoundly
modified the Dardic bases of Kashmiri”. But
neither Grierson nor Chatterji have been able to show what this Dardic base
precisely is nor have they produced any evidence of what this
“over-layering” that is supposed to have taken place consists of. Grierson
does of course talk of some of the “commonest words –the words that are
retained longest in any language, howsoever mixed, and seldom borrowed” as
well as the numerals, phonetic system, accidence, syntax and prosody of Kashmiri
being such as prove its affinity with Shina, but the examples he furnishes only
serve to show how superficial and suspicious his knowledge of all these aspects
are. The Shina words he lists as
having cognate forms in Kashmiri are almost all of Sanskrit origin and it is
this connection that binds the two languages together to the extent they both
draw upon Sanskrit or Old Indo-Aryan for their vocabulary, Iranian having
nothing whatsoever to do with it.
Grierson’s classification of Kashmiri has been outright rejected by
later scholars like Morgenstierne and Emeneau who maintain that the so-called
Dardic languages are in fact Indo-Aryan and not Iranian, though they have not
passed through the Mid-Indic stage of development. Morgenstierne finds
Grierson’s attempt to club Dardic and Kafiri languages into one single group
as unacceptable. “I am unable to accept these views”, he writes. “The
Dardic languages, in contradistinction to the Kafir group, are of pure IA
(Indo-Aryan) origin go back to a form of speech closely resembling Vedic.”
The term, according to him, denotes “a bundle of aberrant IA hill
languages” which escaped contact with the Indo-Aryans of Madhyadesha
(midland). Emeneau endorses his views but adds that these languages did not pass
through the MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan)
development represented by the records. Prof. B. B. Kachru quotes Fussman and
strand as holding the view that Dardic “is a geographic expression referring
primarily to the regional location of these languages without any connotation of
shared linguistic features; thus it is not used in any phylogenetic sense”.
Fussman, points out Kachru, says that “the denomination ‘Dardic
language’ should not strictly speaking be applied to Kashmiri”. It is indeed
strange that despite having been discarded by modern day scholarship in light of
latest field research and textual comparison, Grierson’s views are still
uncritically accepted and repeated in academic spheres.
Kachru quotes Masica as saying about Grierson’s view on Dardic
languages that it is “now definitely obsolete and incorrect also in details,
but unfortunately often still given in works of reference”.
What then is the status of Kashmiri within the fold of modern Indo-Aryan
languages? Does it make any linguistic sense to totally deny it its place
alongside languages like Hindi, Marathi, Punjabi or Gujarati just because it
differs with them in a few respects on account of some of its peculiar
characteristics? Is not the Sanskrit connection enough to regard it as their
sister language, particularly when like them it too has passed the Prakrit and
Apabhramsha stages to acquire its present form? Perhaps the mess created by
Grierson and the band of self-supposed scholars which is motivated by political
considerations to delink it from its moorings by trying to erase memories of its
Sanskrit origin has done harm enough. But the fact that most common words used
in day to day expression in Kashmiri even today are of Sanskrit derivation can
not be denied despite all the attempts that are being made to mutate it beyond
recognition. These are words related
to parts of body, names of closest kin, objects of daily use, physical states,
animals and birds, food items, minerals and so on and can be easily shown to
have been etymologically derived from Sanskrit.
The affinity between Kashmiri and modern Indo-Aryan languages is not
limited to items of vocabulary alone but is quite pervasive to provide it its
structural matrix also. Coming to accidence or morphological features, we find
that Kashmiri reveals itself to be of sure Sanskrit parentage.
Declensions of Kashmiri nouns clearly shows how new cases have developed
from old Sanskrit bases. For
instance, the instrumental in masculine singulars takes the case-ending – an,
which is a remnant of Skt. – çna or ena, as in Ksh. tsűran
< Skt. chorçna. The dative marker –as or –is is
obviously the same as Pali – assa, which in turn is a derivative
of Skt. – asya though it is used with the genitive: Ksh. tsűras,
Pali chorassa, Skt. chorasya. The
locative singular takes the ending - i or – e: Ksh. vati, Skt. pathi;
Ksh. gari. Skt. grihe. The ablative masculine singular ends in –
a or – i, a remnant of Skt – at as in Ksh. tsűri,
Skt. chorat. For agentive
masculine plurals the affix used is – av which appears to have evolved
from the Vedic – çbhih:
Ksh. tsűrav, Skt. chorçbhih.
In the accusative/ dative pl. the case-ending - an can be traced
to Skt. –ânâm: Ksh. tsűran, Skt. chorânâm. Likewise
feminine singular nouns take the affixes –yi or –i in
accusative/ dative/ agentive case which can be said to have been derived from
the Sanskrit case endings –im, yâ, -yâh: Kash. Dîviy, Skt. dçvîm
/ dçvyâ / dçvyâh.
Like other modern Indo-Aryan languages Kashmiri forms a new genitive by
adding post-positions to the dative and agentive cases. These are hund or
sund used eith masculine singular and húnz and súnz used
with feminine singular nouns and pronouns in case of animate beings, the plural
forms being húndy or súndy and húnzú and sinzi
repectively. Punjabi uses handâ
/ hundâ and sandâ and Sindhi sandâ.
According to Beames sandâ is the Punjabi form of the Prakrit santah,
with the s changing to h. the
genitive also takes the postpositions –un and –iny in
masculine and feminine nouns denting living beings;
the plural forms are –iny and –ni. With
inanimate objects –
Kashmiri pronouns preserve many old forms which occur in Sanskrit but are
not found in Prakrit. For example
the personal third person pronouns su (he) and sva (she) are
quite akin to Sanskrit sah and sâ and their plural forms tim
(they masc.) and timú (they fem.). The
Kashmiri first person pronoun bú or bO (I) is a remarkably new
form which has probably come from Skt. bhavat, according to Bühler,
being originally a present participle of bhű (to be).
All other forms of this pronoun have developed from Skt. root asmad,
as in case of Punjabi and some other modern Indo-Aryan languages: Ksh. ásy,
Punj. Assî, Kash. interrogative pronoun kus (who), and its plural
kam as also their various forms are closely related to Skt. kah, and
kas. The demonstrative pronoun yi (this) has its origin in the Skt.
root idam while the relative pronouns yus and yim come from
Skt. yah, yo and ye
Verbal forms in Kashmiri follow Sanskrit in being derived from the
root of the verb, especially in the past tense.
As Bühler has pointed out, “it is impossible to explain them by
Kashmiri”. In this context Bühler cites dçshun (to see) and dyun
(to give) as examples. From these we get the forms dyüth (saw) and dyut
(was given) which are derived from dittho (Modern Kashmiri dyűth)
< Skt. drishtitah, and ditto (Mod. Ksh. dyut) <
Skt. dattah. . This process is visible in the formation of all basic
tenses – past, present and future. Various forms of the Kashmiri auxiliary
verb chhu and âs, which are derived from the Skt. roots kshi
and as, and occur in several other Indian languages as well, are formed
by remnants of personal pronouns to the stem.
The simple future tense is formed by adding the suffix –i to the
nominative base in the third person, a remnant of the Skt. suffix –shyati:
Ksh. kari (he / she will do), Skt. karishyati, Ksh. mari
(he / she shall die), Skt. marishyati. Kashmiri
imperative verbs can hardly be distinguished from the corresponding Skt. forms.
For example we have Ksh. gatsh, Skt. gachha (go), Ksh. lekh,
Skt. likha (write, cf. Hindi likh), Ksh. an, Skt. ânaya,
Ksh. dav, Skt. dhâva, Ksh. kar, Skt. kuru (do, cf.
Hindi kar), Ksh. van, Skt.varnaya (say, tell) and so on.
Verbal nouns are formed in Kashmiri by adding the suffix –un to
the verb, which can be easily traced to Skt. -nam and is similar to Hindi
–nâ. Examples: Ksh. tarun,
Skt. taranam, Hindi taranâ (to cross), Ksh. marun, Skt. maranam,
Hindi maranâ (to die), Ksh. vavun, Skt. vapanam, Hindi bonâ
(to sow), Ksh. pihun, Skt. peshanam, Hindi pîsanâ (to
grind), Ksh. khanun, Skt. khananam, Hindi khodanâ (to dig)
and so on.
Kashmiri conjunctive participle – ith preserves elements of the
old Sanskrit form –tvâ. Thus
we have, Ksh. kárith, Skt. kritvâ (having done), Ksh. námith,
Skt. namitvâ (nutvâ) (having bowed), Ksh. lîkhith, Skt. likhitvâ
(having written), Ksh. dîshith, Skt. drishtvâ (having seen) and
so on.
Kashmiri adverbs too point to their Sanskrit origins quite clearly. These
include adverbs of time: Ksh. yli,
Skt. yarhi (when), Ksh. tli, Skt. tarhi (then), Ksh. yOtâm,
Skt. yâvat (until, till such time),
Ksh.yuthuy, Skt yathâpi (as soon as), Ksh. tyuthuy,
Skt. tathâpi (just then, at that very moment), Ksh. suli, Skt. sakâle
(early), Ksh. kar, Skt. karhi when, at what time), Ksh. az,
Skt. adya (today), Ksh. râth, Skt. râtrau (yesterday) and
so on; adverbs of place: Ksh. yti, Skt. yatra (here, wherever),
Ksh. tati, Skt. tatra (there), Ksh. ati, Skt.atra
(at that place, from that place), Ksh. kati, Skt. kutra (where),
Ksh. yOt, Skt. itah (to this place, to any place), Ksh. tOt,
Skt. tatah, tatra (to that place), Ksh. kOt, Skt. kutah, kutra
(to which place); adverbs of manner: Ksh.yithú,
Skt. yathâ (in which manner, thus), Ksh.
kithú, Skt. katham (how, in what manner) and so on.
This brief discussion, which could have been extended but for want of
space, may help us to have a broad idea of the structural matrix which has
shaped the Kashmiri language which like other modern Indo-Aryan languages seems
to have emerged from a Prakrit-Apabhramsha sub-stratum around the 10th century.
The actual processes that led to its development as the regional voice of
The ‘Chumma Sampradâya’ is an unpublished text though an
exercise for publishing it was started by the Research and Publication
Department of Jammu & Kashmir in the sixties of the last century and was
aborted later for reasons not known. It
seeks to expound the tenets of an esoteric Tantric sect aligned to the Krama
school and can be assigned to the 11th century
on analyzing its linguistic features. It is a text not entirely written in
Kashmiri but has only thirty odd verses in that language, which complement the
seventy-four verses written in Sanskrit. But
though mediated by Sanskrit and not exactly literary in content, these verses
announce the inauguration of a departure that was to be of great significance in
the literary history of the Kashmiri language.
Dr. Navjivan Rastogi, who identifies Chhummâ with the Sâhasa
Bhâva
svabhavç saba avinashî
Svapna sabhavana vi upanna /
Te aj niravidhi agama prakâshî
Idassa dishti kâla vipachhanna //
Vigalani shunńya âshunńya svarűpç
Vividha
padârthu sâthu kavalçt /
Âshayu chitti sadâ nîrűpâ
Vicchî
vijjű virtha praghatçt //
The u-endings of the words show that Prakrit influence is stil there
while the four-lined structure of the metre indicates that it might be an
earlier form of the popular Kashmiri metrical form Vâk.
The nascent features of early Kashmiri that appear in the Chhumma
Sampradâya take a more pronounced and distinct form in the language of
later works like the Mahânaya Prakâsha, Bânâsura Kathâ and Sukha-Dukha
Charit, as we will see a little
while from now.
If Chhumma Sampradâya represents the earliest form of
literarization of Kashmiri as an emerging regional dialect coming out of the
cosmopolitan shadow of Sanskrit, Mahânaya Prakâsha documents the next
stage when it had crossed the Prakrit-Apabhramsha threshold to step into a new
world of vernacular expressiveness as a distinct linguistic entity.
It was written at a time when the sun of Sanskrit literary and
intellectual culture in
The Mahânaya Prakâsha expounds the doctrine of mahârtha
or mahanaya with its core concept being the identity of the individual
self with the cosmic self in its dynamic aspect or Shakti.
Combining metaphysics with mysticism, the work is inclined towards the Shâkta
principle, perceiving the ultimate reality as feminine and seeking intuitive
realization of one’s unity with it based on the Shâktopâya or refinement of
one’s thought processes. This
realization, according to the Krama system, is to experience pure and
undifferentiated universal consciousness or samvid through “spiritual
progression”. Identical with the
Goddess, Mahârtha or the Absolute Sense unfolds itself gradually through
the four forms of speech: parâ (transcendental, undifferentiated), pashyantî
(visioning), madhyamâ (interjacent) and vaikharî (displayed)
word. The pure universal consciousness manifests itself in five chakras
or cycles of energy symbolizing states of “individualized consciousness”
with the deities Vâmeshî, Khecharî, Bhűcharî, Samhahârabhakshinî and
Raudreshwarî or Vyoma-vâmeshswarî presiding over them, who have to be
propitiated through esoteric practices of jńâna siddhi, mantrasiddhi
and melâpasiddhi. Shitikantha
talks of the pańchavâha or five flows, five aughas or
traditions, which are the paraugha, divyaugha, mahaugha, siddaugha
and mânavaugha and gives an exposition of the other key concepts of mahârtha
in Mahânayaprakâsha of which we are not in a position to discuss the
details here. He begins with an obeisance to the one, great, lean Goddess Mangalâ
Devî who resides in all souls and “eats” or destroys time under the divyaugha:
Devat
akka kishî paru râji
Jaga ghasmaru bhairu bhakshçt /
Nant
shatta gâska nçrâji
Shamavâńî âshaya takshet
//
But what is of greatest significance to us than deciphering and decoding
the esoteric symbolism of what Shitikantha says about the gradual revelation of
the Great Meaning to him is his claim that this nuti or praise of the
goddess is in desha-bhâshâ or the regional language understood by all:
“athochitaruchitâm nutim sarvagocharayâ desha bhâshayâ”. Raising
Kashmiri to the status of literary language for the first time, this statement
marks a break from the past and ushers in a new era of vernacular transformation
in
George Grierson has written a detailed and valuable paper on the language
of Mahânayaprakâsha in which he concedes that its verses “show
clearly the lines of connection between the Indo-Aryan side of Kashmiri and
Sanskrit” and says that “they throw light on the various forms in Modern
Kashmiri that, but for the Mahânayaprakâsha, would be inexplicable.” But at
the same time he attributes the predominance of Indo-Aryan vocabulary in the
work to its author’s being a Sanskrit scholar.
The fact is that the work clearly brings out the lines along which the
Kashmiri language developed from the regional Prakrit-Apabhramsha.
Let us consider this verse from the work which talks of individuation of
the universal consciousness:
Yasu yasu jantus samvid yasu yasu
Nîla pîta
sukha dukha sarűp /
Udayisdatta samâńî
samarasa
Kamakampan tas
tas anurűp //
In this verse one can clearly recognize the Kashmiri pronouns yasu
yasu (yas yas) < Skt. yasya > Pali – Prakrit yassa (=
whoever, whichever, whomever), tas tas < Skt. tasya >
Pali-Prakrit tassa (to him/her, to that person), the genitive marker –as
being just suffixed to the word jantu (a living being) also. The phonetic
and morphological elements in Mahânayaprakâsha can be found in a more
developed form in Bânâsurkathâ and Sukha Dukha Charit to which
we shall soon refer.
Chumma Sampradâya and Mahânayaprakâsha may offer the
first specimens of written Kashmiri, the first heart-beats of poetry in the
language can be heard in the great Shaivite poetess of the 14th century, Lal Ded or
Lalleshwari in the real sense of the word. Born
at a time when Kashmir was in the throes of an unprecedented upheaval with
collision between two belief systems and value systems threatening to tear its
entire social fabric apart, Lal Ded played a momentous role by ensuring
stability and saving indigenous cultural structures from collapsing.
This she achieved by presenting the essence of Kashmir Shaiva philosophy
to the common masses in their own colloquial language. Her choice of Kashmiri as
the vehicle for expressing her thoughts was perhaps the greatest cultural
statement she made with full awareness as an act of will. It was not an act that
ruptured tradition but renewed it by transferring cultural power to a language
that could bring about a transformation. The
impact on the Kashmiri psyche was deep and comforting with people finding a
great spiritual succour and moral strength in her utterings. Her choice of vâk,
earlier used by Shitikantha, to express the outpourings of her heart also struck
a chord with the ordinary people who found the four-line aphoristic and cryptic
metrical form very easy to adapt to the ear and remember. But it was no random
choice for the term vâk reflected the entire philosophy of logos of
Kashmir Shaivism according to which language can be a liberating force if it
mirrors the reality of life as a manifestation of universal consciousness.
Lal Ded used the vâk form with such perfection that it acquired a
serene dignity and subtlety of tone, a captivating rhythm of thought and a
direct appeal which no one has been able to appropriate.
It is difficult to say whether the vâk is based on the Rigvedic
metre, the Sanskrit Shloka or Prakrit-Apabhramsha metres like âryâ
or gâhâ, but one thing is certain and that is Lal Ded contributed to it
the best of her poetic genius.
It is the fusion of the poet and the saint in Lalleshwari that accounts
for her tremendous appeal among the Kashmiri people, an appeal that remains
undiminished despite the passage of nearly seven centuries since she uttered her
verses. It is because of the deep
mystical insights and spiritual vision that she presents in her poetry, her
profound awareness of the human condition and her Shaivite worldview which
perceives reality as one, un-divisible consciousness vibrating in every atom of
the universe, that Lal Ded is regarded as a great spiritual giant and an
unsurpassed Kashmiri poet.
Lal Ded translated her existential anguish into soul-stirring poetry, her
verses being a record of her sufferings and struggles. She gave up worldly life
in protest against the callousness she suffered at the hands of her husband and
mother-in-law and became an itinerant mystic wandering from village to village
and keeping her audiences in thrall by reciting her verses telling of her
restless quest for Shiva, the pangs of separation that tormented her mind and
her intense desire for absorption in the absolute. Perhaps her most poignant
verses that may have moved the heart of her audience as they do today are those
that speak of her loneliness, her uncertainty and self-doubt and at the same
time seek to establish a personal emotional relationship and identity with the
ineffable:
Âmi pana sődaras nâvi chhas lamân
Kati bozi
day myon m ti dî târ /
Âmyan tâkyan
pony zan shramân
Zuv chhum bramân gara gatsha hâ //
[With a rope of
loose spun thread am I tossing my boat upon the sea
Would that God
heard my prayer and brought me safe across
Like water in cups of unbaked clay I run to waste
Would God I were to reach my home!
— Translation: Prof. J. L.
Kaul]
Lal bO drâyas lolarç
tshârân lűstum dyan kyaho râth
Vuchhum pándith
panani gare
Suy m rOtum nechhtúr tú sâth
[I,
Lalla, set out with burning longing
And seeking searching passed the day and night
Till
lo! I saw to my own house belonging
The Pandit, and seized my luck and star of light
Trs. Nila Cram Cook]
There are many verses in which Lal Ded refers to her attainment of
spiritual enlightenment and beatification. For her self-realization was a real
experience about which she has no doubt or uncertainty.
And what is more, these verses reveal
a tremendous sense of self-confidence and assurance which she exudes
while telling us about her mystical illumination:
Samsâras
âyas tapasî
Bodha prakâsh lObum sahaj
[Into this universe of birth I came
By yoga gained the self-revealing light.
Trs.
Nila Cram Cook]
Lal
bO tsâyas svamana bâga baras
Vuchhum Shivas Shakath mîlith tú vâh /
Tati m lay karúm
amrit saras
Zinday maras tú karyam kyâh
//
[I, Lalla entered the door of my mind’s garden
And saw Shiva and Shakti united there, Oh joy!
There I immersed
myself in the lake of nectar
And
died even while I was still alive
What will death now do unto me?]
Lal Ded’s language appears to be surprisingly close to modern Kashmiri.
Obviously, this could not have been the language in which they were
originally composed. What that language could have been, we have no means to
ascertain today, as they were not penned down at the time they were composed.
They were passed through oral transmission from generation to generation till
Rajanaka Bhaskaracharya recorded about sixty of them with his Sanskrit
translation in the 17th century.
It was in 1914 that George Grierson and Lionel Barnett recorded with the
help of Pandit Mukund ram Shastri about 140 vâks of Lalleshwari from a
Brahmin Dharamdas Darvesh of Gush village in Baramulla.
Dharamdas recited these vâks before Grierson as part of his
family tradition and Grierson and Barnet later published these with English
translation. The reciter did not
change any unintelligible word but presented them as they had come down to him
traditionally. It is obvious that in the intervening centuries, the text must
have changed imperceptibly, with each generation which received them adding its
own linguistic encrustations and the accretions finally adding up to whole mass
of interpolations. Whatever the case may be we have no choice but to accept the
verses as they have been passed on over the centuries except where there are
glaring discrepancies. The only way
to arrive at an authentic text would be to edit the present text in light of the
works written before or after them, a much desirable but almost impossible task.
However, even in the form these vâks are available to us, we find
a large number of Sanskrit-like and Sanskrit derived words in them, some of them
quite archaic now, Some examples: gagan, bhűtal, pavan, sakal,
sahaj, kusum, turag, desh, klîsh( (klesha),
tsyath ( <citta), jnân, svaman, lay, bhân (< bhânuh), műdh, dyân (dhyân),
mukur, zanúm (janma), âhâr, lűb (lobha),
bhava-ruj, artsun (archana), akshar, rasâyan,
brahmând, varun, salil, lavan, pashya,
vâk, mânas, kul, akul, shűnya, rajan
(rajanî), sham, dam, vag (valgâ), ambar,
posh (pushpa), mrig, shrigâl, laz (lajjâ),
jńâna-mârg, pat, pitha, vottam (uttama), durlabh
varna, nâbhisthân-as, tsîtan (chetan), atsîtan
(achetan), ashvâvar, geh (grih), svalabh (sulabha),
prân, keasarî, anna-s, châmar, rath, simhâsan,
âhlâd, trin, dvîsh (dvesh), cahhatra, paryanka,
zal (jala), pad, hridi (hridaye). shank
(shankâ), kâran, vatsun (vachan), shishir-is
and so on.
Lal Ded was followed by her junior contemporary Sheikh Nur-ud-Din
(1376-1438), popularly known as Nunda Rishi who is revered by Kashmiri Muslims
for having founded the Muslim Rishi order in Kashmir.
His verses known as shruks (Skt. shloka), are regarded by
Kashmiri Muslims as “Kashmiri Koran”. They are pithy sayings, generally
didactic in content and exhortative in tone, with stress on self-discipline,
moral values, purity of conduct according to Islamic teachings, abstention from
worldly pleasures, contentment, frugal eating habits, faith in one God, prayer
and piety and cultivation. Sheikh
Nur-ud-Din’s shruks also remind man of the inevitability of death and
the transience of the world and therefore the need for surrender before God’s
will and seeking His grace. Emphasis
on vegetarianism by the Sheikh
and the Muslim Rishi order established by him led Dawood Mishqati, the writer of
the hagiographical work Asrâr-ul-abrâr, to say that the Rishis
“followed the ways of the Brahmans and Buddhists.
However, Sheikh Nur-ud-Din is said to have followed a more ortodox path
after his meeting with Syed Mohammad Hamadani, the preacher son of Syed Ali
Hamadani who is revered by Kashmiri Muslims for having played a leading role in
spreading Islam in
Sheikh Nur-ud-Din does not forget to acknowledge his indebtedness to Lal
Ded for having deeply influenced him during his formative years. In fact quite a
number of Lal Ded’s verses have been attributed to Sheikh Nur-ud-Din , which
has created a great confusion about
the authorship of as many as 35 verses which are found in the collections of
both. The main reason for this is that there is no properly edited critical text
of his verses. The Nurnamas and
Rishinamas which have recorded them have been compiled more than two hundred
years after him leading to numerous interpolations and errors.
Here are two of the most quoted and illustrative shruks of the
Sheikh:
Kîvály
kor nçrakh panthänî
Trävith shury-mury tú gih bâr
Yim kas bâr
ladakh pâpänî
Bâr khodâyâ pâp nivâr
[To what destination are
you wending your lonely way
Renouncing family, hearth and home?
Whom will you burden with your load of sins?
Great God, absolve me of my sins]
Kunyaryay bozakh kun no rozakh
Ámy
kuniran kotâh dyut jalâv
Aqúl tú fikir tor kOt sozakh
Kámy mâli chyath hyok su dáriyâv
[If you know the One, you will cease to be
The One whose light pervades everything
Reason and wisdom will be of no avail there
There is no one who can drink up that river]
There are a number of Sheikh Nur-ud-Din’s shruks which run into one
another rand have been regarded for that reason by some as vatsan or
short lyrics while some claim that he was the first to write gahzals
also. One does not know what to make of such claims for the Sheikh except to
point out that he was illiterate and unexposed to Persian. As for his
vocabulary, it consists predominantly of Sanskrit and Sanskrit derived words,
which perhaps points to the actual linguistic situation of his times. Some of
these words are surprisingly old and some of them have become archaic now.
A few examples should suffice: kîval (keval), niz (nij),
subhâv (svabhâva), ambi (ambâ-), gambîr (gambhir),
dâs, duhit (duhitâ), prakrath (prakritih), samsâr,
svargas (svarga-), kosam (kusum, bavasnde
(bhavasindhu-), sOndarî (sundarî), shunitav
(shrunu-), khag, vnat ((vinatî), (vinatî), duji
(dvij), shîl, vishva, hetu, ahankâr, krűd,
kâm, lűb (lobha) muh (moha), mîn, amrit,
guru, avtâr, bhakti, turag, lavan, vopakâr
(upakâr), dishâ, ang, shîsh, nayan, svazan
(sujanâh). Sadbhâv and so on.
It is a rather strange coincidence that in the 15th century, when
Banâsur Kathâ by Avtar Bhatta is a narrative poem of haunting
beauty based on the story of Usha and Aniruddha as given in the Harivamsha
Purâna – a fact revealed by the author himself.
He has also disclosed in the colophon of the work that he belonged to the
Srigalpuri (modern Shalpur) village of the Lahar (modern Lar) parganâ
(sub-division) of
Sâ
Usha amar nipçndas dullabha
Varakâmin vadanâ zan shashi pabha
Lata zan kshâvun pikç
Pushkara gav adâ
nirçt kshani akç
[The enchanting
Usha who was difficult for even the king of gods to obtain
Her face beautiful as the radiant moon
He (Aniruddha)
enjoyed her charms as the cuckoo bird enjoys a flowering creeper
And then went away in a moment. (V.60)]
While the poet excels in describing female loveliness and the erotic
sentiment, his depiction of the valour and courage shown by heroic men in trying
circumstances is equally impressive. With the passion of love inflaming his
heart the hero Aniruddha’s valiant behaviour and sense of masculine pride has
been described with great poetic subtlety when he is shown preferring to face
Usha’s bodyguards boldly and unarmed rather than hide himself in her parlour:
Dhik-dhik myânes Yadava jammas
Vanati
atsâ majja kachân
Yuddha karâ namet svakammas
Ushç
athachhOn iha thân
[Shame upon my Yadava birth
If I hide behind your beautiful tresses O lady!
I will
rather fight here bowing to my fate
Without a weapon in my hands]
Avatar Bhatta displays the consummate skill of a fully aware artist in
his descriptions an character delineation. He creates a parallel world through
his passages of beautiful description engaging us in absorbing details even as
the story advances through interesting twists and turns towards
the denouement. He portrays
human emotions and states of mind with great sensitivity creating dramatic
situations wherever necessary and showing innovative skills in handling various
episodes from the original story given in the Harivamsha Purana.
His poetic brilliance flashes forth not just in describing the
supersensuous physical charms of the heroine Usha or the exploits and masculine
graces of the hero Aniruddha, but also in depicting Banasur’s valorous
belligerency and the sagacity of his minister Kumbhanda besides underlining
Krishna’s role in upholding the cosmic order.
Avatar Bhatta’s poetic ingenuity also shows itself in making a
sensitive use of the short lyric to give expression to human feelings and moods.
He chooses dramatic moments in the narrative to punctuate descriptive passages
with beautiful and melodious lyrics, the first to be written in Kashmiri much
before Habba Khatun appeared on the scene. There are several enthralling pieces
expressing tender feelings of love and longing in Banâsur Kathâ like
“Kar iyá so piya m nikto” (
When will my Love come near me?) and “Piyâ ma gatsh mâranay” (Oh,
don’t go Love, they may kill you!) which present the poet as the pioneer of vatsun
or the Kashmiri short lyric.
Another aspect of Bânâsur Kathâ that arouses great interest is
the use of Sanskrit syllabic metres like Mandâkrântâ, Mâlinî, Sragdharâ,
Tanumadhyâ, Narkatakâ, Vasantatilakam, Mattamayűrî, Shârdűlavikrîditam,
Vaitâlî, Drutavilambita, Pushpitâgra etc. There are also some what appear
to be original Kashmiri metres based perhaps on the Sanskrit metrical pattern,
like Thaddo, Phuro, Dukatikâ and Kadokdyâ. We find these metres
used again in the Sukha-Dukha Charit in late 15th century—
and that is the last we see of them. These
metres must have been quite popular and in vogue for a long time in Kashmiri
poetry before Avtar Bhatta’s time, but we do not have any documentary evidence
of those available today. Interestingly, this gives a lie to Grierson’s
argument that Kashmiri metrical system follows the Persian tradition.
Unfortunately, this is a field completely ignored by Kashmiri scholars.
But it is from the linguistic point of view that the study of Banâsur
Kathâ is most rewarding as together with the Sukha-Dukha Charit it
throws a flood of light on the state of the Kashmiri language in the 15th century.
The two works also help us to trace earlier forms of a number of Kashmiri
words including the auxiliary verb. We will deal with this aspect after we come
to the Sukha-Dukha Charit, but it will be pertinent to refer a few linguistic
peculiarities of the work here. For
instance, various forms of the Kashmiri auxiliary verb are, kshi, ksho, kshçm,
kshiyiy etc., while in present day Kashmiri variations of chhi
are used, as Sanskrit ksh changes to chh in Kashmiri. This
suggests that the auxiliary verb forms in Kashmiri have developed from the Skt.
root kshi (‘to be’).
The language of Bânâsur Kathâ is predominantly of Sanskrit
origin with hardly two or three words of Persian, showing that in spite of
having been declared the court language Persian had not been able to make much
headway as yet in literary language or language of common parlance.
However, there are several words of which the etymology is not clear.
There is also another category of words which have become totally obsolete today
though their etymology does not pose much of a problem. For example, we words
like yâkhçt
(=like this, as, just as, as if), tâkhçt
(=like that, thus, so), kâkhet / kangat (= how, in what manner), javç
(=quickly, speedily). Another
linguistic feature of interest is the use of several word forms to denote the
same meaning. For instance, a host of words have been used to convey the sense
of “he/she says”, like: vadi, nigadis, dappi, vâchi,
vanno and giri.
Coming to Sukha-Dukha Charit, it is not exactly a poetic work
though written in verse. Written by
Ganak Prashast, nothing about whom is known except that he composed it during
the time of Sultan Hasan Shah’s rule in Kashmir (1475-1485) to whom he has
addressed a eulogy in the beginning. The
author’s name Ganak Prashast being most likely a pseudonym, Sukha-Dukha
Charit is written in the form of an “advice to a friend” to conduct his
affairs with caution lest he is deluded by pleasures of life and becomes a
profligate. The advice includes
spheres like jyotish (astrology), gârud (detoxification of snake
poison), vaidak (treatment of common diseases) and kâma shâstra
(the art of sexual love), the work being divided accordingly into four segments.
The “friend” is advised to keep the nature of the world and the
vanities of life in view and to avoid pitfalls.
Though not poetry in the strict sense of the word, as we have pointed
out, the work is structured as a kâvya, and displays some purple patches
of imagination and a sense of verbal music.
The poet frequently indulges in verbal artistry, embellishing his lines
with alliteration, pun and other figures of speech.
The importance of Sukha-Dukha Charit lies manly in documenting the
state of the Kashmiri as it was spoken in the later part of the 15th century. In spite of
some poetic flourishes it is mainly about mundane life and provides us with a
good vocabulary current those days so far as names of articles of daily use,
common medicines, parts of body etc. many of which are used even today in a
slightly changed form. What is interesting is that we find Ganak Prashast using
the same Sanskrit metres in this work that Avtar Bhatta has employed in Bânâsur
Kathâ, adding one more, dvi-phuro (double phuro), to the
list. A feel of the language of the work can be had from the following two
examples:
Ksho shâstra ghanç kâtç ko mâ bujji
Vaidak
gârud jyotish buddh
Sâr sâr gâhçnas
pajji
Hansa yâkhçt jalo majjâ
duddh
[The shâstras are
very profound, who can explain them?
There is the
science of medicine, the treatment of snake poison, astrology
We should try to grasp their essence
As the swan separates milk from water.]
Him zan tâpç vigalos pâpç
kukaram chittâ
[Remembering my bad deeds and sins, I have melted like snow
in
the sun]
As we have said, the Chhumma Sampradâya, Mahânaya Prakâsha,
Bânâsur Kathâ and Sukha-Dukha Charit present a coherent and
authentic picture of the the gradual development of the Kashmiri language from
the Middle Indo-Aryan stages of Prakrit and Apabhramsha through which other
modern Indo-Aryan languages have also passed.
The tendencies that we find in a nascent state in the thirty odd
Chumma Sampradaya verses take a more developed and distinct form in the Mahânaya
Prakâsha (MP), Bânâsur Kathâ (BK) and Sukha- Dukha Charit
(SDC). While the language of MP is obviously older, both BK and SDC show the
Kashmiri language emerging as a modern Indo-Aryan language.
Most of the phonological changes take place much in the same way as in
Prakrit and Apabhramsha with many of these changes having crystallized to forms
which are used in modern Kashmiri. Thus MP, BK and SDC share the tendency of
elision of independent consonants ch,
t, d and p (but interestingly not k) and
introduction of the glide y or v; elision of initial a and ri
changing to a, i and u ( though at places it remains
intact); elision of r and the doubling of the consonants as result of the
elisions besides the following changes: -th >-d, -m, -pt > -t,-
n+- m >- m, -dy > -jj, dhy >jj and so on. All the
three MP, BK and SDC follow Prakrit-Apabhramsha in elision of one member of a
conjunct consonant and doubling of the remaining one. This, however, does not
happen in modern Kashmiri. But compensatory elongation of the vowel does not
occur in the three works as in modern Kashmiri. An interesting feature that
needs to be noted is that several words occur in MP, BK, and SDC that are found
in Hindi and some other north Indian languages but not in present day Kashmiri.
For instance we have: jalo (Hindi jalâ), pado (Hindi padâ),
chados (Hindi charhâ), piyâ and gaudç (Hindi ghodç).
It is unfortunate that no work has been done on these early works of
Kashmiri in spite of the important light they throw on the historical
development as well as structural matrix of the language. Though the present
writer has made an intensive and systematic study of these texts, there is much
that still needs to be done. The
manuscripts of Banâsur Kathâ were discovered by Bühler from Jaipur
more than a century ago and are lying on the shelves of the Mss. library of the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. But where is the scholarship to
work on them? Meanwhile Kashmiri has
been so over laden with Perso-Arabic vocables that its linguistic identity has
undergone a near total mutation. What was a daughter of Sanskrit today looks
like a dialect of Persian and Arabic. No, it is not a matter of diglossia as
some scholars would have us believe, but a deliberate attempt at destroying its
links with Indian linguistic and literary history.
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