Dialogue July- September, 2005, Volume 7 No. 1
North-East Scan
Mizoram – Legitimising ViolencePatricia Mukhim
John F
Kennedy once remarked that conformity is the jailer of freedom and the enemy of
growth. In tribal societies there is often a great need to project to the
outside world a picture of unity and homogeneity in thinking. More advanced
individuals among the tribes stress on their less enlightened brethren that
conventional thinking and comformity are imperative to the survival of the
tribe. They would even go one step further and say that dissent within a society
shows up the cracks within it and would be taken advantage of by “outsiders”.
In India’s North East, the
resistance to outsiders and outside influence has isolated the tribes from
mainstream intellectual discourse and enquiry which question the status quo and
critique the function of institutions both traditional and modern and point out
serious loopholes in their behaviour. Traditionalists are opposed to change and
resent criticism. In fact there are overt and covert attempts to quash dissent
in tribal societies by labeling critics as enemies of their society. Some states
more than others have been caught in this mesh of having to conform to
expectations of pressure groups within their societies.
Mizoram is a case in point. Here
is a state which claims to be an island of peace amidst a sea of storms. Leading
the bandwagon is State Chief Minister, Mr Zoramthanga who regularly drums
the,“Mizoram is a peaceful state”, rhetoric. So convincing was Zoramthanga that
he was even given a peace bonus by the Central Government. Unfortunately, the
mere absence of militancy does not make a state a peaceful one. While militants
are rightly accused of using violent methods to achieve their ends, they are not
the only ones who take recourse to sadism.
To a keen observer, Mizoram is a
prisoner of its own contradictions. There is a constitutionally elected
government but there is also the Young Mizo Association (YMA), a non-state body,
also elected but not by adult franchise, in the sense that not every resident of
Mizoram votes for office bearers to the YMA. YMA is a youth body meant to carry
out certain traditionally prescribed tasks such as regulating the conduct of
funerals, engaging in wholesome social work in order to train the young in
social responsibility. In the absence of any critique or challenge, the YMA
assumed an authoritative role. They became a vigilante group who together with
the Church took on the task of regulating elections to the state assembly and
parliament.
In a scenario where the slogan
’who has the money wins the votes’, had become common currency, the emergence of
the YMA as a social auditor was a welcome respite. People who genuinely wanted
to contest elections with the purpose of ushering political change but did not
have the wherewithal, agreed wholeheartedly with the YMA’s modus operandi. To
them, the YMA opened up opportunities for a career in politics without having to
auction off their life’s savings. But, the more public plaudits the YMA won the more powerful it became. In fact
YMA is today a repository of power feared even by the elected government. MLAs,
ministers and other political wannabes desirous of contesting the next elections
all make sure they placate the YMA.
It is interesting to see what
this translates into. YMA can make or break the political career of any person
including that of Mr Zoramthanga should he decide not to kowtow to their
eccentricities and their propensity to adopt violence as a means to an end. In
recent times the YMA have launched what they call a “war on drugs”. To achieve
this goal they have adopted the most brutal methods to deal with drug and
alcohol addicts, suspected drug peddlers and bootleggers. Ironically the State
is looking the other way even as atrocities committed by the militant wing of
the YMA, namely the MTV or Mizo Tlang Val have gained momentum.
Mr Zoramthamga’s Government
which is the legal constitutional authority appears to have abdicated its
constitutional duty to the YMA. Government is happy that some group is doing
something which their police and enforcement wings have failed to do. As a
reward for their vigilantism the YMA is even sanctioned funds by the Government
to meet their objectives. YMA is having their annual conference in a particular
area which does not have a motorable road. The organization has been sanctioned
an amount of Rs one lakh to construct the road to this destination.
Unlike other youth
organizations, the YMA comprises members from the civil services, the teaching
profession and other occupations. Paradoxically these members of the YMA often
travel on the business of the organisation but at the expense of the Government.
And no one seems to mind.
Perhaps the only group today in
Mizoram with the courage to take on the YMA is the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN).
Its chairperson Ms Vanramchhuangi has become the target of the YMA’s ire. What
this organization is saying is that every suspected drug peddler must be dealt
with according to the law. Addicts must be rehabilitated. But the YMA defends
its stand, claiming that drug peddlers are enemies of society and must be
eliminated and treated by the methods they have devised. Anyone who protests
against the YMA method is accused of being hand in glove with the peddlers. This
of course is a predicted recourse of all belligerent vigilante groups. Members
of the HRLN are being threatened. In fact some are so scared of their lives that
they have abandoned their fight. But Vanramchhuangi says she will carry on even
if she has to do it alone. This courageous lady is now treated like a pariah. No
one is willing to support her because the path she has chosen is fraught with
dangers.
Surprisingly, the very
articulate, very educated and morally upright members of the Mizo society
including the Church are afraid to speak up and to defend the cause of liberal
thinking in Mizoram. Church leaders who are otherwise so quick to point fingers
at politicians have become dumb when it comes to condemning the kangaroo courts
of the YMA. Sadly even the MIzoram State Women’s Commission and the MHIP are
unwilling to step out of their comfort zones and to confront the YMA and its
uncivilized methods. If women’s organizations are reluctant to defend a member
of their sex who is challenging the authoritarianism and despotic methods of a
non-state actor then their very existence is questionable.
From all accounts, the State of
Mizoram has failed to provide security and legal recourse to its citizens. The
State has in fact lost its moral authority to rule. Otherwise why should a
non-state actor take on the mantle of the state with the collusion of the state
authorities. If Mr Zoramthanga has any scruples he should step down and allow
someone else who understands the working of modern liberal democracy to take
over. Mr Zoramthanga may be familiar with the jungle laws since he is a former
rebel. But Mizoram is not a jungle and the laws of the jungle are not acceptable
to the Mizo people.
It is time for civil and human
rights activists across the country to study the degeneration of legal and
constitutional bodies in Mizoram and to make interventions to restore the rule
of law. Thus far the loyalty of people has been to the values of the YMA which
they have identified with the institution and its roles. Now that those values
are no longer respected by the leaders of the YMA, people should be provided a
non-threatening space to voice their dissent. Sadly, this dissenting space may
not be available in Mizoram at the moment.
Paradise Shattered
Terror
is no longer an oligo-polistic business or the proud privilege of a few states
in India’s North East. Arunachal Pradesh, which was until a couple of years ago,
the only peaceful sanctuary has now joined the charmed circle. Another paradise
is invaded and peace is shattered. Three known militant outfits are operating in
the eastern sector of Arunachal Pradesh, bordering the states of Nagaland and
Assam. Of the three, the National Liberation Front of Arunachal (NLFA) has close
links with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, Isaac- Muivah (NSCN-IM).
Koj Tara, the NLFA supremo who was recently arrested from Dimapur, the
commercial capital of Nagaland, was mentored by the NSCN (IM) and possibly acted
at their behest.
Tirap and Changlang districts of
Arunachal Pradesh have been safe havens for both factions of the NSCN – one led
by Isaac and Muivah and the other by Khaplang. The two districts border Myanmar
and are thickly forested thus affording the militants a steady income through
timber logging and smuggling. Militancy is never a stand-alone activity.
Spin-offs include extortion, drug peddling, arms and timber smuggling and a host
of related criminal activities. Lack of employment opportunities within the
region attracts able-bodied youth to militant outfits which actually pay the
cadres a monthly salary.
Proliferation of militant
activities devoid of ideology only goes to show that the present day youth no
longer question or care about what they are doing as long as they are doing
something profitable. Youthful innocence and naivety are today replaced by a
cynicism that is frighteningly akin to that of a hard-core terrorist operating
in any part of the globe. Ruthless ambition has taken the place of hope and
trust in a system which is increasingly seen as insensitive, unresponsive and
corrupt. Name any state in the region and you have a litany of grouses against
politicians. They care for themselves and their own and of course their party
cadres. The rest of the ‘janta’ be damned! Nepotism has taken a whole new
dimension in all of the north eastern states. Naturally those who do not belong
to the clique of influence peddlers are bound to be discontented. And the
numbers of the disgruntled is steadily rising.
Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh are of course contentious
spaces. They are part of the map of Nagalim or Greater Nagaland – that
sovereign territory which the NSCN (IM) is negotiating with the Indian state.
What could shatter the peace of Arunachal Pradesh completely and list it among
the most troubled states of the region is the operational space it affords to
its own militant outfits and also those from other states of the region. Assam’s
most virulent insurgent group, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), is
presently an itinerant pedestrian of the thick forests of Arunachal Pradesh. One
advantage that militants enjoy is Arunachal Pradesh’s vast uncharted territory
and its difficult terrain which is a formidable battle ground.
Politicians are the most upset lot when militancy strikes. No wonder Mr Gegong
Apang, Arunachal Pradesh’s street-smart, astute politician who is also the
longest serving chief minister, has briefed Delhi about the impending danger.
Militancy is the only element of surprise that politicians are apprehensive
about. For one, militancy creates too many contenders for that ‘pie in the sky’.
Development funds now have to be shared by more people. While politicians extort
through more beguiling tactics, militants do it the crude way. They use potent
weapons and do not believe in the polite language of negotiations. No wonder the
comfort zone of politicians is disrupted. However, it cannot be denied that a
symbiotic relation does exist between the two especially during elections. At
such times a quid pro quo is worked out that serves both groups well. It is this
symbiotic relationship between politicians and militants that makes tackling
militancy that much harder.
Coming back to another very crucial point, not many would have missed the news
item appearing in several newspapers of this country a coup of days ago, that
Paresh Barua the ULFA chief who was languishing in a jail in Bangladesh has been
invited to Karachi by ISI, Pakistan’s intelligence agency. Barua is scheduled
to visit Karachi in September this year to attend a meeting which is aimed at
better coordination between Islamic fundamentalist groups operating from
Bangladesh. This is a very alarming development as far as the North East is
concerned. If the recent blasts in Bangladesh are the brain-child of Islamic
fundamentalist groups who ostensibly want that country to become an Islamic
state, the echoes will reverberate beyond its borders. More so if the ULFA and
other militant groups operating in different states of North East India and who
use Bangladesh as their operating base, become involved in the ISI design of
unleashing terror in the region.
Jaideep Saikia writing for Dialogue in the chapter entitled, ‘Revolutionaries or
Warlords, ULFA’s Organizational Profile’, says, “one of the most important
contradictions in the ULFA movement and one that symbolizes its increasing
deviation from its revolutionary character and principles, is the sudden shift
in stance that it engineered towards the illegal immigrants( referring to
Bangladeshi migtants)”. Saikia avers that while the ULFA preamble puts the blame
on illegal migrants for ‘turning the people of Assam into street beggars and
minority in their own country”, the outfit took a completely different stance
later on. Perhaps the ULFA’s ambivalence is best illustrated by Udayan Mishra in
his book, “The Periphery Strikes Back”, when he says… ‘there is reason to
believe that military needs have compelled the outfit to shed much of its
earlier intransigence towards foreigners and outsiders on Assam soil and adopt a
position which would ensure support and sanctuary in Bangladesh’. Mishra points
out that once safely ensconced in Bangla soil, the ULFA distanced itself from
the AASU-led anti foreigners movement and from the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and
even termed the movement as ‘emotional’.
Military exigencies and the need for extended hospitality in Bangla soil will
once again force the ULFA to shed its sanctimonious self image as the saviour of
the Assamese people and instead lend its shoulders to the ISI to fire its
destructive missile. In this emerging scenario how is it possible for promoters
of peace to speak of a dialogue between ULFA and Government of India? Perhaps
the dialogue drama at this critical juncture is aimed at buying time. What
happened at Bhutan had dislocated the ULFA cadres and dislodged their money
collection circuit. The ULFA budget for 2001-2002 was to the tune of Rs 31
crores. According to Saikia, out of the above amount, the ULFA cadres who were
at the time not more than 1200 in number were paid a paltry sum of Rs 2000 per
month as salary. An amount of at least Rs 28 crores was kept by the top three
leaders, Arabinda Rajkhowa, Paresh Barua and Raju Baruah who invested the money
in various business ventures.
What
is clear is that ULFA and other militant outfits in the region have a one-point
agenda which is to assume the role of warlords by accumulating wealth and
becoming the capitalists that they had derided and even killed when they began
their revolutionary journey. Our problem is that the state response to this
whole challenge has been pretty unintelligent. In several cases the state has
been reactive and thereby reinvented an equally terrifying method of dealing
with terror. The saga of secret killings that have now surfaced tell their own
story. How is it possible to have peace when there is so much falsehood,
corruption, misleading statements and double standards from the terrorist groups
as well as from the state? It seems we will have to wait a long time before
regaining paradise.
Atrocious blockade on NH-39 makes Manipur look for alternative routes
Pradip Phanjoubam
The indefinite economic blockade of Manipur by
the ANSAM, supported by other Naga organizations such as the NSF and the Naga
Hoho, has been relaxed after 52 days of coming into force. There are no clear
conditions or time limits to the relaxation except for the adjective
“temporarily” that preceded relaxation, and a veiled threat that the Naga people
would respond befittingly if the government of Manipur backtracks.
One
thing is however certain, even if the immediate flare-up over the mistimed
holiday declared by the chief minister, Okram Ibobi, is resolved, the core
conflict around Naga integration and Manipur’s integrity would remain. Hence,
let there be no doubt whatsoever that the current problem would only be going
into an incubation to resurface again another time in another incarnation,
perhaps the next time the NSCN(IM) peace talks run into another roadblock.
It is unfortunate too that as
far as it is foreseeable there are only roadblocks ahead, the biggest ones of
these being Nagalim and Naga sovereignty. Nagalim, as the NSCN(IM) has made it
clear is only the first major step to a sovereign Nagalim.
This
is not suggesting or denying that the NSCN(IM) was a player behind the curtain
in the just concluded economic blockade. However, nobody can dispute the fact
that the stated objectives of those behind the blockade and those of the NSCN(IM)
almost totally overlap.
In
fact the blockade is over a holiday declared by the Manipur chief minister,
Okram Ibobi, on June 18, calling it “Integrity Day”. On this day in 2001, there
had been an uprising in Manipur over the extension of the NSCN(IM) ceasefire
without territorial limits, as this was seen as the first step to the creation
of Greater Nagaland or Nagalim in the language of the NSCN(IM).
The
blockade was in spirit against the state glorification of the opposition to this
particular demand of the NSCN(IM).
A
few other things have also become clear. Economic blockades cannot make Manipur
submit. This is on several considerations. First, the valley is a rice bowl and
because of it, the state can hold out the worst sieges. Second, the airways
cannot be blockaded. Third, the commitment to profession of some of the state’s
very basic services, such as its truck drivers will always make sure that no
blockade is complete.
It
is going to be much more difficult now for those who still believe blockades can
work. In the next few years, it is almost a certainty that there would be more
serviceable highways to serve as alternative to the vulnerable NH-39, which
passes through not just Manipur hills but also Nagaland. The Nipheu Rio
government’s commitment to open up the highway during the blockade was never
convincing for whatever the reason.
Other respectable institutions in Nagaland, such as the Nagaland Baptist Church
Council, and the Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee, however, in moves that
were hailed in Manipur, came out against the blockade in univocal terms –
gestures that must have dampened the spirit of the blockaders.
The
sad thing about the ANSAM blockade was, it was not just a token show of protest
aimed at flagging a dissenting point against the government with the necessary
punch. What the blockaders atrociously termed as “democratic” indefinite
blockade of a state was hardly a token protest, but more of an act of war,
unconsciously strengthening the resolve of believers in Manipur never to
succumb.
Worst Into Best
Sometimes the worst circumstances turn out to be blessings in disguise. The
ANSAM blockade was one such situation for it broke a dreadful ennui in the state
and opened up new initiatives and ideas about the future. It has for instance
made the state take stock of the reality that having only NH-39 as the state’s
lifeline will always make it vulnerable to all kinds of pressure groups,
including those who have no interest in the state’s core interests.
The
urgency to cut alternative lifelines along other mountain passes has become so
real that this new will of the state is finding echoes even in the corridors of
power, not just in Imphal but also in New Delhi. In all likelihood, NH-53 that
connects Imphal to Silchar via Jiribam, would be retrieved from the archives of
the state’s consciousness and made fully capable of taking heavy freight and
passenger traffic again. If the indications are correct, another mountain pass
via Leimatak in the Henglep subdivision of the Churachandpur district that skirt
past the Tipaimukh area and hits Jiribam in a much shorter distance than NH-53
and through much easier topography, would also see a highway in the following
years. This route was identified by a World Bank road project in the state some
years ago, and is already in parts, black-topped.
These developments are hailed in Manipur for more reasons than just the concern
of the vulnerability of complete dependence on just one lifeline, but also the
fact that the state is being made to identify an important trade wind ahead of
time. These new routes, would be connecting to the Silchar Expressway, already
under construction, which undoubtedly would become the lifeline of the entire
northeast in the next decade. In the longer run still, this route would become
part of the much anticipated and awaited Trans-Asian highway too.
Ending Mobocracy
The
blockade has thrown up another profound questions. Can democracy be translated
as rule by the people? For far too often, too many self-proclaimed gurus of
democracy in this troubled region have been abusing the definition of a
political system that may be the closest in guaranteeing basic freedoms to its
subjects. They forget too that freedom and democracy mean very different things
when they are not bound by limits that discipline them. And so we have
“democratic” blockades, “democratic” indefinite choking of lifelines. Very soon
we may begin hearing of “democratic” lynching and “democratic” murders, followed
by “democratic” ethnic cleansing etc.
The disturbing question often
has been, what if the people, or at least a majority of the people begin wanting
these things? Would democracy still be comfortably defined as a rule by the
people, for the people and of the people?
Many eminent democracy scholars,
including the well known scientist turned philosopher, Karl Popper, came to the
conclusion that the spirit of democracy, if it is not routed through the formal
system
of representative government can only amount to anarchy, or in
modern journalese, mobocracy. Manipur today is proving his theory in practice.
Silence of Statesmen
Silence they say is the biggest enemy of the democratic system. Manipur, more
than any other should comprehend the truth in this cliché. Those who should be
speaking up on issues, maintain deafening silence when their voices are needed
the most, while those who would be best appreciated silent make it their mission
to scream on any issue.
A
peculiar pattern has been for students and juveniles to take over politics and
statecraft whenever the service of mature leadership and saner counsel are
called for. Small wonder then, that the place has become rife with civil
conflicts of all nature and intensity in as many permutations and combinations
of the different communities living in it. The doomsday prediction of the
Manipuri proverb that when children and juveniles play doctor, the graveyard
would be full (angang-na maiba saraga mang thalli) is visiting Manipur in
all its horror.
Come to think of it, be it in
the valley or in the hills, the formal political system and administrative
mechanism, have either receded into the background or else totally surrendered
its authorities to self-proclaimed civil society bodies and juveniles under the
guise of students. Many of these “youths”, it will be discovered, are well over
40, and the “men’ behind the students movements are not students in any
conventional sense of the term. Students as the world understands it, are young
men and women in pursuit of formal knowledge in schools and colleges, not street
fighters and street politicians.
In
Manipur the definition has been reversed almost totally, and our statesmen and
leaders are allowing this progressive degeneration. For them it seems,
statecraft is all about ministerial berths and access to the state exchequer and
nothing else.
The
blame for this degeneration must not go only to the politicians and leaders, but
also to the larger civil society, constituting loosely of the intelligentsia,
academia, elders and other formal as well as informal institutions which should
have been providing the moderating influences (not diktats) on how the society
upholds its dignity and sanity. They too have for long forgotten their unwritten
duty and obligation to the society to unobtrusively oversee and define what
roles are appropriate for children, students, teachers, businessmen etc, and
what behavioral deviations are outside the social parameters of propriety.
In
fact, this lapse is more serious than that of the formal institutions of
politics and administration. These unwritten and undefined institutions, unlike
the formal ones, are not something a society can build overnight. They evolve
through ages of negotiating life’s problems and internalized into the society’s
collective consciousness. The quality and richness of this archetypal would be
what distinguishes civilization from the lack of it. By systematically
destroying the codes of this archetypal, Manipur is allowing its own codes of
civilization to slip.
The
hills were in the grip of “students” and “youths”. If the trouble had gone on
for another week or so, the valley would have also seen disturbances. There were
already threats of counter agitations when the blockade thankfully was called
it. The cycle of juveniles as social doctors would then have been complete, and
if all went per script, the place may have been witness to the eerie silence of
the graveyard.
The
question is, why didn’t the statesmen, in the ruling parties as well as the
opposition, ministers, MLAs, ex-ministers, ex-MLAs, belonging to the Meitei,
Naga or Kuki communities, come out into the open to speak up on the issue? Were
they all party to the deadly politics that was unfolding? Even if they were, the
debate should have been allowed to come into the open. Or, was it a case of lack
of spine that made them surrender the moral authority that they in so much
earnest claimed for themselves, to students and juveniles. For things to
normalise once again, these leaders must once again assume the mantle of
leadership of the people’s affair.
Manipur’s Basic Strength
Manipur also displayed where its strengths were. Predictions that the state
would witness a communal strife because of the blockade were proven woefully
alarmist even after a month and a half of the atrocious state of siege. The
society proved its enormous capacity to absorb shocks and provocations, much
like it did during the June 2001 upheaval.
On
that occasion too, despite fears of an imminent communal mayhem, despite 18
people who lost their lives protesting a government of India decision, and
despite the inferno that important institutions and symbols of the establishment
including the state Assembly building and national flags were thrown into, not
even a single individual became an intended victim of communalism.
It
is true that a number of Naga residents of the Imphal valley ran away to safer
distances, quite understandably apprehending violence in the midst of the
explosive situation. But the fact is, none of the dark scenario painted ever
became a reality. In the current imbroglio too, if there were sinister elements
wanting to provoke a communal backlash, their purpose would have been frustrated
up.
The
state’s resilience were in public demonstration. Life went on. People did have
to queue up overnight outside petrol pumps but they took the bad times in stride
as if this was part of a bad patch in their life.
Ordinary men and women in very ordinary services also proved that they are the
sinews that hold the society together. Who can deny that without the commitment
of the state’s truck drivers, things may have been very different. Repeated
damages to vehicles, repeated personal injuries, repeated exposures to threats
and dangers, repeated stranding on highways for weeks, all failed to deter them
and they continued doing what they were supposed to do. Who else can deserve to
be called heroes than these men and boys? There are more services like these,
which despite low wages, despite poor working conditions, have acquired a life
of their own, attracting dedicated professionals. They rather than all the white
collared government jobs together, are who have planted Manipur’s economy to the
ground. We for one would be happy if “Drivers Day”, as a symbol of all the
state’s basic services, were to be celebrated as Integrity Day.
Dialogue (A quarterly journal of Astha Bharati) |